Dear colleague in the field of East European studies,

is there any chance you can also sign this statement? https://www.pravda.com.ua/eng/articles/2026/04/28/8032087/

Your signature – following the structure of the previous signatures (degree and where obtained, position with discipline, main institution) – should be sent until 30 June 2026 to signaturescollection71@gmail.com .

Below is, for your interest, the list of additional signatures as of 15 June 2026:

Łukasz Adamski, Ph. D. (PAS Warsaw), Director of the Juliusz Mieroszewski Dialogue Centre, Poland

Eduard Afonin, Dr. Sc. (Karazin Kharkiv), Professor of Public Policy and Research Methodology, Dnipro Institute of Medicine and Public Health, Ukraine

Ana Maria Albulescu, Ph. D. (KCL London), Research Fellow in Peace and Conflict Studies, Tartu University, Estonia

Leila Alieva, Cand. Sc. (MSU Moscow), Associate in Russian and East European Studies, University of Oxford, United Kingdom

Gregory Allar, Ph. D. (U Michigan), Special Lecturer in Russian and East European Studies, Oakland University, United States

Vera Ammer, Dr. Phil. (Münster), Coordinator of Human Rights Projects on Ukraine, Memorial Deutschland, Germany

Veronica Anghel, Ph. D. (Bucharest), Assistant Professor of European Studies, European University Institute, Italy

Myroslava Antonovych, Dr. Sc. (NaUKMA), Head of the Center for Genocide and Human Rights Studies, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine

Antoine Arjakovsky, Ph. D. (EHESS), Director of Research on Politics and Religions, Collège des Bernardins, France

Viacheslav Artiukh, Cand. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Associate Professor of Philosophy, Oleksandr Dovzhenko National Pedagogical University of Hlukhiv, Ukraine

Vincent Artman, Ph. D. (Kansas), Senior Research Fellow in Human Geography, University of Ostrava, Czechia

Timothy Ash, M. A. (Econ) (Manchester), Associate Fellow of the Russia and Eurasia Program, Chatham House, United Kingdom

Ryhor Astapenia, Ph. D. (U Warsaw), Director of the Belarus Initiative, Chatham House, United Kingdom

Martin Aust, Dr. Habil. (CAU Kiel), Professor of East European History, University of Bonn, Germany

Peter Bakumov, Ph. D. (Constructor U), Senior Lecturer in Russian Studies, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine

Andris Banka, Ph. D.  (Birmingham), Senior Fellow in the Study of the Baltic Sea Region, University of Greifswald, Germany

Olexia Basarab, M. A. (NaUKMA), Former Eisenhower Fellow and Chair of the Ukrainian House in Žilina, Slovak Republic

Dimitar Bechev, D. Phil. (Oxford), Dahrendorf Program Director at the European Studies Centre, St. Antony’s College Oxford, United Kingdom

Marc P. Berenson, Ph. D. (Princeton), Associate Professor of War Studies, King’s College London, United Kingdom

Una Bergmane, Ph. D.  (Sciences Po), Research Fellow in History, University of Helsinki, Finland 

Mykola Bielieskov, M. A. (KNU Kyiv), Research Fellow in Defence Policy, National Institute for Strategic Studies (NISD), Ukraine

Laada Bilaniuk, Ph. D. (Michigan), Professor of Anthropology, University of Washington, United States

Serhiy Bilenky, Ph. D. (Toronto), Research Associate at the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, Canada

Ionut Biliuta, Ph. D. (CEU Budapest), Senior Fellow in Religious Studies, George Emil Palade University of Medicine, Pharmacy, Science, and Technology, Romania

Joris Van Bladel, Ph. D. (Groningen), Senior Associate Fellow in Russian Politics, Egmont Institute, Belgium

Stephen J. Blank, Ph. D. (Chicago), Senior Fellow in Russian Studies and International Security, Foreign Policy Research Institute, United States

Christoph Bluth, Ph. D. (KCL London), Professor of International Relations and Security, University of Bradford, United Kingdom

Oleksandr Bogomolov, Dr. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Director of the National Institute for Strategic Studies (NISD), Ukraine

Ian Bond, M. A. (Oxford), Deputy Director of The Centre for European Reform, United Kingdom

Eliot Borenstein, Ph. D. (Wisconsin), Professor of Russian and Slavic Studies, New York University, United States

Tetiana Boriak, Dr. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Research Fellow in Modern Ukrainian History, Vilnius University, Lithuania

Kees Boterbloem, Ph. D. (McGill), Professor of History, University of South Florida, United States

Bill Bowring, B. A. (Kent), Emeritus Professor of Law at Birkbeck, University of London, United Kingdom

András Bozóki, Ph. D. (MTA Budapest), Professor of Political Science, Central European University, Austria

Stefano Braghiroli, Ph. D. (Siena), Associate Professor of European Studies, University of Tartu, Estonia

Thomas Bremer, Dr. Theol. (Münster), Emeritus Professor of Eastern Churches Studies, University of Münster, Germany

Angela Brintlinger, Ph. D. (Wisconsin), Professor of Russian and East European Literatures and Cultures, Ohio State University, United States

Yitzhak Brudny, Ph. D. (Princeton), Professor of Political Science and History, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel

Karsten Brüggemann, Dr. Habil. (Tallinn), Professor of Political and Social History, University of Tallinn, Estonia

Olga Brusylovska, Dr. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Professor of International Relations, Mechnikov National University of Odesa, Ukraine

Oleksandra Buzko, M. A. (NaUKMA), Head of the Scientific Archive, Institute of Archaeology, Ukraine

Cristian Cantir, Ph. D. (Kansas), Associate Professor of Political Science, Oakland University, United States

Michael R. Carpenter, Ph. D. (UC Berkeley), 2021-2024 US Representative to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, United States

Denis Cenusa, Dr. Des. (Giessen), Associate Expert on Russia and the Eastern Partnership Region, Geopolitics and Security Studies Centre, Lithuania

Eric Chenoweth, B. A. (Columbia), Director of the Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe, United States

Julia Chenusha, LL. M. (KyIU Kyiv), Co-Founder and Chief Executive Officer of the Non-Profit LLC DUWir, Germany

Olena Chernyakhivska, Cand. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Leading Research Fellow in the History of Monuments, National Preserve “Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra,” Ukraine

Andrew Chakhoyan, M. P. A. (Harvard), Academic Director of the Summer Program on Multilateral Diplomacy, University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands

Edward Hunter Christie, Ph. D. (VU Brussels), Visiting Professor of Defence Economics, College of Europe at Natolin, Poland

Leonid Chupriy, Dr. Sc. (NISS Kyiv), Professor of Political Science and Sociology, Borys Grinchenko Kyiv Metropolitan University, Ukraine

Nancy Condee, Ph. D. (Yale), Professor and Director of the Center for Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies, University of Pittsburgh, United States

John Connelly, Ph. D. (Harvard), Professor of European History, University of California at Berkeley, United States

Halyna Coynash, B. A. Hons (Victoria U), Analyst of Political and Legal Affairs, Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, Poland

Patrice M. Dabrowski, Ph. D. (Harvard), Associate of the Ukrainian Research Institute, Harvard University, United States

David Darchiashvili, Dr. Sc. (Tbilisi), Professor of Political Science, International Relations and Security Studies, Ilia State University, Georgia

Denizcan Dede, M. A. (Başkent), Doctoral Researcher in Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Edinburgh, United Kingdom

Laure Delcour, H. D. R. (Sciences Po), Associate Professor of Political Science, University Sorbonne Nouvelle, France

Ihor Dlaboha, M. A. (The New School), Editor in Chief of The Ukrainian Quarterly, Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, United States

Andrij Dobriansky, B. A. (Vassar), Policy Expert on Geopolitics and Media Analysis, Center for U.S.-Ukrainian Relations, United States

Yuliia Dukach, Cand. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Lecturer in Data Analysis and Visualization, Kyiv School of Economics, Ukraine

Stephen Scott Douglas, M. B. A. (Oxford), Creator of the disinformation detection tool Disinfolklore.eu, United Kingdom

Mykola Doroshko, Dr. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Professor of Ukrainian History, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Ukraine

Alexander Dubowy, Dr. Iur. (Vienna), Policy Analyst of Eastern Europe and the CIS, Society for Eurasian Studies (EURAS), Austria

Diana Dukhanova, Ph. D. (Brown), Visiting Assistant Professor of Russian Studies, College of the Holy Cross, United States

Alexander Ebner, Dr. Habil. (Frankfurt am Main), Professor of Political Economy and Economic Sociology, University of Frankfurt, Germany

Joakim Ekman, Ph. D. (Örebro), Professor of Political Science, Södertörn University, Sweden

Michel Eltchaninoff, Ph. D. (ENS Fontenay), Editor-in-Chief of the Philosophie Magazine, France

Nino Evgenidze, Dr. Sc. (Tbilisi State), Executive Director of the Economic Policy Research Center (EPRC), Georgia

Vladyslav Faraponov, M. A. (KSE Kyiv), President of the Institute of American Studies, Ukraine

Mark Feygin, M. A. (RANEPA Moscow), Member of the Platform for Dialogue with Russian Democratic Forces, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, France

Mikhail Filippov, Ph. D. (CalTech), Professor of Political Science, Binghamton University (SUNY), United States

Geir Flikke, Dr. Art. (Oslo), Professor of Russian and Area Studies, University of Oslo, Norway

Joanna Fomina, Dr. Hab. (PAS Warsaw), Professor and Head of the European Studies Unit, Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, Poland

Sibelan Forrester, Ph. D. (Indiana Bloomington), Professor of Modern and Classical Languages and Russian, Swarthmore College, United States

Julia Friedrich, M. Sc. (LSE), Research Fellow in Peace and Security, Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi), Germany

Bartlomiej Gajos, Ph. D. (PAS Warsaw), Senior Research Fellow in History, Juliusz Mieroszewski Dialogue Center, Poland

Tamar Gamkrelidze, Ph. D. (Ilia State), Postdoctoral Fellow at the European Neighborhood Chair, College of Europe in Natolin, Poland

Theodore P. Gerber, Ph. D. (UC Berkeley), Professor of Sociology, University of Wisconsin at Madison, United States

Angelos Giannakopoulos, Dr. Habil. (Dortmund), Professor of European Studies, Tel Aviv University, Israel

Ariana Gic, J. D. (York), Director of the Direct Initiative International Center for Ukraine, Canada

George Gilbert, Ph. D. (East Anglia), Associate Professor of Modern Russian History, University of Southampton, United Kingdom

Keir Giles, B. A. (UCL), Research Associate on Russia and Europe, Conflict Studies Research Centre, United Kingdom

Paul A. Goble, M. A. (Chicago), Retired US Government Official and Author of the Blog Window on Eurasia, United States

Thornike Gordadze, Ph. D. (Sciences Po), Lecturer in the EU’s Eastern Neighborhood, Paris Institute of Political Studies, France

Kate Graney, Ph. D. (U Wisconsin), Professor of Political Science, Skidmore College, United States

Tetiana Grebeniuk, Dr. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Visiting Professor of Ukrainian Studies, University of Warsaw, Poland

Gustav Gressel, Ph. D. (ZMNE Budapest), Senior Lecturer in Security and Crisis Management, College of Europe at Natolin, Poland

Igor Gretskiy, Cand. Sc. (St. Petersburg), Research Fellow in Foreign Policy, International Centre for Defence and Security, Estonia

Theocharis N. Grigoriadis, Ph. D. (UC Berkeley), Professor of Economics and East European Studies, Free University of Berlin, Germany

Viktoriia Grivina, Ph. D. (St Andrews), Independent Researcher in Social Anthropology at Kharkiv, Ukraine

Jarosław Gryz, Ph. D. (U Warsaw), Professor of International Security, War Studies University (ASzWoj), Poland

Seva Gunitsky, Ph. D. (Columbia), Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Toronto, Canada

Pavlo Hai-Nyzhnyk, Dr. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Leading Research Fellow in Political Culture and Ideology, Institute of Political and Ethno-National Studies, Ukraine

Stephen G. F. Hall, Ph. D. (UCL), Assistant Professor of Russian and Post-Soviet Politics, University of Bath, United Kingdom

Olena Halushka, Cand. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Visiting Professor of International Partnerships and Cooperation, Ukrainian Catholic University, Ukraine

Arve Hansen, Ph. D. (Tromsø), Senior Adviser on Ukraine, The Norwegian Helsinki Committee, Norway

Guido Hausmann, Dr. Habil. (Bielefeld), Professor of East and Southeast European History, University of Regensburg, Germany

Daniel Hegedüs, M. A. (ELTE Budapest), Deputy Director of the Institute for European Politics (IEP), Germany

Tereza Hendl, Ph. D. (Macquarie), Research Fellow in Philosophy, University of Augsburg, Germany

Jonathan Hibberd, M. A. (Sussex), Doctoral Researcher in International Relations, University of Nottingham, United Kingdom

Aleksandra Hnatiuk, Dr. Hab. (Warsaw), Professor of History, National University of Kyiv- Mohyla Academy, Ukraine

Mykola Horbatiuk, Cand. Sc. (KNLU Kyiv), Senior Research Fellow in the Theory and History of Political Science, Institute of Political and Ethnic Studies, Ukraine

Roman Horbyk, Ph. D. (Södertörn), Lecturer in Media Studies and Director of the War Digital Sources Lab, University of Zurich, Switzerland

Mieste Hotopp-Riecke, Dr. Phil. (FU Berlin), Co-Director of the Institute for Caucasica-, Tatarica- and Turkestan-Studies (ICATAT), Germany

Liliia Hudziuk, M. A. (NaUKMA), Research Fellow in Russia Studies, The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies, The Netherlands

Kateryna Ivashchenko-Stadnik, Cand. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Senior Research Fellow in Social Research Methods, Institute of Sociology, Ukraine

Dmytro Ishchenko, Ph. D. (NaUKMA), Military Officer, Director of the Kyiv School of Diplomatic Arts, Ukraine

Polina Istomina, M. B. A. (INSEAD), Associate Fellow in UK-Ukraine Institutional Cooperation, Sahaidachnyi Security Center, Ukraine

Oleksandra Iwaniuk, Ph. D. (UMCS Lublin), Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Warsaw, Poland

Idil P. Izmirli, Ph. D. (George Mason), Analyst of Crimean Affairs, The Jamestown Foundation, United States

Ralph Janik, Dr. Iur. (Vienna), Assistant Professor of International Law, Sigmund Freud Private University, Austria

Lukasz Jasina, Ph. D. (PAS Warsaw), Assistant Professor of History, Varsovia University of Business and Applied Sciences, Poland

Wojciech Jakóbik, M. A. (JU Krakow), Founder and Director of the Energy Security Center (OBE), Poland

Hubertus Jahn, Dr. Habil. (Erlangen-Nuremberg), Emeritus Professor of the History of Russia and the Caucasus, University of Cambridge, United Kingdom

Kerstin S. Jobst, Dr. Habil. (Hamburg), Professor of East European Societies and Memory Cultures, University of Vienna, Austria

Pierre Jolicoeur, Ph. D. (UQAM Montréal), Professor of Political Science, Royal Military College of Canada, Canada

Kornely Kakachia, Dr. Sc. (Tbilisi State), Professor of Political Science, Ivane Javakhishvili State University of Tbilisi, Georgia

Oleksiy Kandyuk, Cand. Sc. (Chernivtsi), Research Fellow in Political Science, University of Konstanz, Germany

Andres Kasekamp, Ph. D. (London), Professor of History and Estonian Studies, University of Toronto, Canada

Botakoz Kassymbekova, Dr. Phil. (HU Berlin), Assistant Professor of East European History, University of Zurich, Switzerland

Christian Kaunert, Ph. D. (Aberystwyth), Professor of International Security, Dublin City University, Ireland

Yuliya Kazdobina, M. A. (Rochester), Senior Fellow of the Security Studies Program, Foreign Policy Council “Ukrainian Prism,” Ukraine

Michael D. Kennedy, Ph. D. (UNC Chapel Hill), Professor of Sociology and International and Public Affairs, Brown University, United States

Natalia Khanenko-Friesen, Ph. D. (Alberta), Director of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, Canada

Dina Khapaeva, Cand. Sc. (St. Petersburg), Professor of Russian Cultural and Intellectual History, Georgia Institute of Technology, United States

Oleksandr Khara, M. A. (DAU Kyiv), Chief Executive Officer of the Centre for Defence Strategies (TsOS), Ukraine

Marianna Klochko, Ph. D. (Cornell), Associate Professor of Sociology, The Ohio State University at Marion, United States

Ivan U. Kłyszcz, Ph. D. (Tartu), Research Fellow in Foreign Policy, International Centre for Defence and Security, Estonia

Katja Kolcio, Ph. D. (Ohio State), Associate Professor of Dance and Environmental Studies, Wesleyan University, United State

Oleksii Kolesnykov, Cand. Sc. (Chernivtsi), Research Fellow in Political Science, University of Tartu, Estonia

Joanna Konieczna-Sałamatin, Dr. Hab. (U Warsaw), Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Warsaw, Poland

Roman Koropeckyj, Ph. D. (Harvard), Professor of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Languages & Cultures, University of California at Los Angeles, United States

Oxána Kovács, Cand. Sc. (RAS Moscow), Assistant Professor of Ukrainian Studies, Eötvös Loránd University of Budapest, Hungary

Nataliia Kovalisko, Dr. Sc. (Karazin Kharkiv), Professor of Sociology, Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, Ukraine

Oleksandra Kovalyova, Cand. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Lecturer in International Relations, New England College, United States

Volodymyr Kovtunets, Dr. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Leading Research Fellow in Higher Education, National Academy of Pedagogical Sciences, Ukraine

Ilko-Sascha Kowalczuk, Dr. Phil. (Potsdam), Research Fellow in History, Federal Archive (BArch), Germany

Iryna Kresina, Dr. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Leading Research Fellow in Legal Issues of Political Science, Koretsky Institute of State and Law (IDPNAN), Ukraine

Mikhail Krutikhin, Cand. Sc. (RAS Moscow), Independent Researcher of Modern Iranian History, Norway

Olena Kryzhanivska, Ph. D. (Gazi U), Post-Doctoral Fellow in Defence Innovation, Canadian Global Affairs Institute, Canada

Stefan Kube, Dipl. Theol. (Münster), Editor-in-Chief of the journal Religion & Society in East and West (RGOW), Switzerland

Adam Kubiak, Ph. D. (JU Krakow), Senior Lecturer in Philosophy, University of Rzeszow, Poland

Jacek Kucharczyk, Ph. D. (PAS Warsaw), President and Senior Research Fellow, Institute of Public Affairs (ISP), Poland

Natasha Kuhrt, Ph. D. (UCL), Senior Lecturer in International Peace and Security, King’s College London, United Kingdom

Oleksandr Kulyk, Dr. Sc. (OHDNU Dnipro), Professor of Philosophy, Oles Honchar Dnipro National University, Ukraine

Bohdana Kurylo, Ph. D. (UCL), Fellow in Qualitative Methodology and International Relations, London School of Economics, United Kingdom

Serhiy Kvit, Dr. Phil. (UFU Munich), Professor of Journalism and President, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine

Frederic Labarre, Ph. D. (RMC Kingston), Assistant Professor of War Studies, Canadian Forces College, Canada

Alexander Lanoszka, Ph. D. (Princeton), Associate Professor of International Relations, University of Waterloo, Canada

Olena Lesyk-Laikari, Ph. D. (Helsinki), Associate Fellow in Sustainability Studies, University of Helsinki, Finland

Carl Larson, B. A. (Washington State), Co-Founder and President of the NGO European Action for Ukraine, Ukraine

Martin Laryš, Ph. D. (Prague), Assistant Professor of Political Science, Charles University of Prague, Czech Republic

Olga Lautman, M. Sc. (Empire State SUNY), Non-Resident Senior Fellow in Russian Disinformation, Center for European Analysis (CEPA), United States

Bidzina Lebanidze, Dr. Phil. (FU Berlin), Research Fellow in Caucasus Studies, University of Jena, Germany

Horia-Victor Lefter, M. A. (Bordeaux Montaigne), Doctoral Researcher of East European History, University of Bordeaux, France

Anthony Levitas, B. A. (UC Berkeley), Senior Fellow at the Watson School for International and Public Affairs, Brown University, United States

Mark Lipovetsky, Dr. Sc. (Ural State), Professor of Slavic Languages, Columbia University, United States

Anne Lounsbery, Ph. D. (Harvard), Professor of Russian Literature, New York University, United States

Edward Lucas, B. Sc. (Econ) (LSE), Director of the Baltic International Security Centre, United Kingdom

Sławomir Łukasiewicz, Dr. Hab. (PAS Warsaw), Associate Professor of European Studies, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Poland

Ingunn Lunde, Ph. D. (Bergen), Professor of Russian Studies, University of Bergen, Norway

Orysia Lutsevych, M. P. A. (Missouri), Head of the Ukraine Forum, Chatham House, United Kingdom

Oleksandr Lysenko, Dr. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Head of the Department of Military-Historical Research, Institute of the History of Ukraine, Ukraine

Michail Maiatsky, Ph. D. (Fribourg), Emeritus Senior Lecturer in Slavic Studies, University of Lausanne, Switzerland

Martin Malek, Dr. Phil. (Vienna), Independent Political Researcher of East European Affairs, Vienna

Joanna Karolina Malinowska, Ph. D. (Poznań), Assistant Professor of Philosophy, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poland

Julia Malitska, Ph. D. (Stockholm), Senior Research Fellow in History, Södertörn University, Sweden

Anastasiia Marushevska, B. A. (KNEU Kyiv), Contributing Editor at the NGO Ukraїner International, Ukraine

Oleksandr Marusiak, Dr. Iur. (UFU Munich), Senior Fellow in Constitutional Law, Scientific Research Institute of State Building and Local Government, Ukraine

Myroslav Marynovych, Dip. Ing. (LPI Lviv), President of the Institute of Religion and Society, Ukrainian Catholic University, Ukraine

Olga Mashtaler, M. A. (NaUKMA), Doctoral Researcher in Political Science, Tampere University, Finland

Vitalii Masnenko, Dr. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Professor of Ukrainian History, Bohdan Khmelnytsky National University of Cherkasy, Ukraine

Oleksandra Matviichuk, Dr. H. C. (UC Louvain), Chairwoman of the Center for Civil Liberties (2022 Nobel Peace Prize receiver), Ukraine

Jade McGlynn, D. Phil. (Oxford), Research Fellow in War Studies, King’s College London, United Kingdom

Troy McGrath, Ph. D. (Columbia), Research Fellow at the Center for Holocaust and Genocide Education, Saint Elizabeth University, United States

Lisa McIntosh Sundstrom, Ph. D. (Stanford), Professor of Political Science, University of British Columbia, Canada

Athanasius D. McVay, H. E. D. (PUG Rome), Fellow in Ukrainian Studies, University of Toronto, Canada

Stefan Meister, Dr. Phil. (Jena), Head of the Center for Order and Governance in Eastern Europe, Russia and Central Asia, German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP), Germany

Stefan Melle, Dipl. Mus. (Vienna), Director of the Dialogue Office for Civil Society Cooperation, Austria

Inna Melnykovska, Dr. Phil. (FU Berlin), Fellow in Political Economy and EU Studies, European University Institute, Italy

Tornike Metreveli, Ph. D. (Bern), Associate Professor of European Studies, Lund University, Sweden

Hans Petter Midttun, B. Sc. Mil. (RNoNA Bergen), Nonresident Fellow in Military Studies, Centre for Defense Strategies (TsOS), Ukraine/Norway

Marko Mihkelson, M. A. (Tartu), Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Estonian Parliament (Riigikogu), Estonia

Oksana Mikheieva, Dr. Sc. (DonNU Donetsk), Professor of Sociology, Kyiv School of Economics, Ukraine

Lukas Milevski, Ph. D. (Reading), Assistant Professor in Strategic Studies, Leiden University, The Netherlands

Maksimas Milta, M. A. (Yale), Country Director for Ukraine, The Reckoning Project (TRP), Ukraine

Johanna Möhring, Ph. D. (Paris Panthéon Assas), Postdoctoral Fellow in Political Science, Grenoble Alpes University, France

Gian Marco Moisé, Ph. D. (Dublin City), Researcher of Political Governance, Lisbon Council of Economic Development, Belgium

Margareta Mommsen, Dr. Habil. (Bochum), Emerita Professor of Political Science, University of Munich, Germany

Chris Monday, Ph. D. (St. Petersburg), Associate Professor of International Studies, Dongseo University, Republic of Korea

Oleksandr Movshuk, Ph. D. (Osaka), Professor of Economics and Business Administration, Toyama University, Japan

Myroslava Mudrak, Ph. D. (Texas Austin), Emerita Professor of History of Art, The Ohio State University, United States 

Michał Murawski, Ph. D. (Cambridge), Associate Professor of Critical Area Studies, University College London, United Kingdom

Kari Aga Myklebost, Ph. D. (UiT), Professor of Russian History, University of Tromsø, Norway

Bohdan Nahaylo, M. A. (Manitoba), Editor-in-Chief of the newspaper Kyiv Post: Ukraine’s Global Voice, Ukraine

Eleonora Narvselius, Ph. D. (Linköping), Associate Professor of European Studies, Lund University, Sweden

Mykola Nazarov, Dr. Sc. (VNU Lutsk), Research Fellow in the Post-War Reconstruction of Ukraine, International Centre for Defense and Security, Estonia

Thomas Mark Németh, Dr. Habil. (Vienna), Professor of Eastern Christian Studies, University of Vienna, Austria

James Nixey, M. Sc. (Bristol), Senior Research Fellow in International Relations, Conflict Studies Research Centre, United Kingdom

Adrien Nonjon, M. A. (Sorbonne), Lecturer in Political Science and International Institutions, Paris Catholic Institute (ICP), France

Alexandra Novitchkova, M. A. (NaUKMA), Doctoral Researcher in Communication and Culture, Toronto Metropolitan University, Canada

Jacob Öberg, Ph. D. (EUI Florence), Professor of European Union Law, University of Southern Denmark, Denmark

Phillips P. O’Brien, Ph. D. (Cambridge), Professor of Strategic Studies, University of St Andrews, United Kingdom

Svitlana Odynets, Cand. Sc. (NASU Lviv), Research Fellow in Migration Studies, Mid Sweden University, Sweden

Maximilian Ohle, Dr. Phil. (Tübingen), Visiting Lecturer in International Relations, Catholic Institute of Vendee (ICES), France

Teemu Oivo, Ph. D. (UEF), Postdoctoral Researcher at the Karelian Institute, University of Eastern Finland, Finland

Kseniya Oksamytna, Ph. D. (Geneva), Reader in International Politics at City St George’s, University of London, United Kingdom

Maciej Olchawa, Ph. D. (JU Krakow), 2022-24 Kosciuszko Foundation Scholar in East European Politics, Loyola University Chicago, United States

Anatoly Oleksiyenko, Ph. D. (Toronto), Professor of International Higher Education, The Education University of Hong Kong, China 

Hanna Oliinyk, M. A. (UCL), Doctoral Researcher in Socio-Legal Studies, University of Oxford, United Kingdom

Marla Raucher Osborn, J. D. (UC San Francisco), Co-founder of the Rohatyn Jewish Heritage in Lviv, Ukraine

Donal O’Sullivan, Dr. Habil. (Eichstaett), Professor of East European and German History, California State University at Northridge, United States

Margus Ott, Ph. D. (Tartu), Associate Professor of Complex Systems and the Philosophy of Religion, University of Tartu, Estonia

Maksym Palamarchuk, Cand. Sc. (NIISP Kyiv), Head of the Foreign Policy Studies Center and Deputy Director, National Institute for Strategic Studies (NISD), Ukraine

Olena Palko, Ph. D. (East Anglia), Professor of East European History, University of Basel, Switzerland

Olena Panych, Cand. Sc. (DonNU Donetsk), Research Fellow at The Centre for Central and Eastern European Studies (ZMOE), Dresden University of Technology, Germany

Bo Petersson, Ph. D. (Lund), Professor of Global Political Studies, Malmö University, Sweden

Iaroslav Petik, M. A. (Tartu), Senior Research Fellow in History, Museum of Outstanding Figures in Ukrainian Culture, Ukraine

Ingo Petz, M. A. (Cologne), Head of the Belarus Project, Non-Profit LLC Dekoder, Germany

Steven Pifer, B. A. (Stanford), Affiliate of the Center for International Security and Cooperation, Stanford University, United States

Kevin M. F. Platt, Ph. D. (Stanford), Professor of Russian and East European Studies, University of Pennsylvania, United States

Taras Prodaniuk, M. Sc. (Oxford), Co-Founder and President of the Think-Tank ADASTRA, Ukraine

Oleksii Polegkyi, Ph. D. (Antwerp), Assistant Professor of Political Science, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Poland

Ruprecht Polenz, Second Legal State Exam (Münster), President of the German Association for East European Studies (DGO), Germany

Leonid Polyakov, COL (Ret.), Head of the Security Studies Center and Deputy Director, National Institute for Strategic Studies (NISD), Ukraine

Mark Pomar, Ph. D. (Columbia), Senior Fellow at the Clements Center for National Security, University of Texas, United States

Peter Pomerantsev, Ph. D. (KCL London), Senior Fellow at the SNF Agora Institute, Johns Hopkins University, United States

Liliana Popescu-Birlan, Ph. D. (Manchester), Professor of Political Science, National University of Political and Administrative Studies (SNSPA), Romania

Oleksandr Potiekhin, Dr. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Principal Research Fellow in International History, Institute of World History, Ukraine

David Powelstock, Ph. D. (UC Berkeley), Associate Professor of Russian and Comparative Literature, Brandeis University, United States

Alexander Price, M. Phil. (Oxford), Doctoral Researcher in Law and Government, Dublin City University, Ireland

Nataliya Pryhornytska, M. A. (FU Berlin), Political Analyst and Co-Founder of the Alliance of Ukrainian Organizations, Germany

Wojciech Przybylski, M. A. (U Warsaw), Editor-in-Chief of the Visegrad Insight, Res Publica Foundation, Poland

Maryna Rabinovych, Dr. Iur. (Hamburg), Assistant Professor of Public Policy and Governance, Kyiv School of Economics, Ukraine

Bogdan-George Rădulescu, Ph. D. (BBU Cluj-Napoca), Researcher at the Institute of Political Science and International Relations, Romanian Academy, Romania

Jon Richardson, M. B. A. (Brunel), Visiting Fellow at the Centre for European Studies, Australian National University, Australia

Felix Riefer, Dr. Rer. Pol. (Cologne), Adjunct Professor of International Relations and East European Politics, University of Freiburg, Germany

Neil Robinson, Ph. D. (Essex), Professor of Comparative Politics, University of Limerick, Ireland

Witold Rodkiewicz, Ph. D. (Harvard), Adjunct Professor at the Center for East European Studies (SEW), University of Warsaw, Poland

Robert Romanchuk, Ph. D. (UCLA), Associate Professor of Slavic, Florida State University, United States

Maryna Romanets, Ph. D. (Saskatchewan), Professor of Contemporary Critical Theory and Literary Studies, University of Northern British Columbia, Canada

Svitlana Romaniuk, Dr. Hab. (U Warsaw), Associate Professor of Ukrainian Studies, University of Warsaw, Poland

Kateryna Romanova, Cand. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Deputy Director General for Research, Museum of the Revolution of Dignity, Ukraine

Tom Røseth, Ph. D. (Oslo), Associate Professor of Intelligence and Security Studies, Norwegian Defence University College (FHS), Norway

Lada L. Roslycky, Ph. D. (Groningen), Managing Partner and Principal, Black Trident Security & Intelligence Consulting Group, United States

Maksym Rozumny, Dr. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Head of the Department of the Theory and History of Political Science, Institute of Political and Ethnic Studies, Ukraine

Victor Rud, J. D. (Duke), Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Ukrainian American Bar Association, United States

Ionas Aurelian Rus, Ph. D. (Rutgers), Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Cincinnati, United States

Stepan Rusyn, M. A. (KNU Kyiv), Doctoral Researcher in International Relations, European University Viadrina Frankfurt-Oder, Germany

Natalya Ryabinska, Ph. D. (PAS Warsaw), Associate Professor of Social Sciences, Civitas University, Poland

Petro Rykhlo, Dr. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Professor of Foreign Literature and Literary Theory, Yuriy Fedkovych National University of Chernivtsi, Ukraine

Aura Sabadus, Ph. D. (KCL London), Senior Fellow in Energy Security, Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA), United States

Viktoriia Savchuk Kennet, Ph. D. (Maryland), Senior Lecturer in Communication, North Central College, United States

Mykhailo Savva, Dr. Sc. (RANEPA Moscow), Member of the Expert Council of the Center for Civil Liberties (2022 Nobel Peace Prize receiver), Ukraine

Karen Schäfer, Dr. Phil. (Potsdam), Associate Professor of Russian Foreign and Security Policies, Bundeswehr Command and Staff College (FueAkBw), Germany

Sebastian Schäffer, M. A. (LMU Munich), Director of the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe (IDM), Austria

Jörg Schulte, Dr. Habil. (Hamburg), Professor of Slavic Literature, University of Cologne, Germany

Martin Schulze Wessel, Dr. Habil. (Halle-Wittenberg), Professor of East and Southeast European History, University of Munich, Germany

Oleksandr Shepotylo, Ph. D. (Maryland), Associate Professor of Economics, Aston University, United Kingdom

James Sherr, B. A. (Oberlin), Honorary Fellow in East European and Security Studies, International Centre for Defence and Security, Tallinn

Oleksandr Shulga, Dr. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Director of The Institute for Conflict Studies and Analysis of Russia, Ukraine

Bohdan Shumylovych, Ph. D. (EUI Florence), Associate Professor of Cultural Studies, Ukrainian Catholic University, Ukraine

Polina Sinovets, Cand. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Head of the Odesa Center for Nonproliferation, Mechnikov National University of Odesa, Ukraine

Maksym Skrypchenko, M. A. (KNU Kyiv), President of the Transatlantic Dialogue Center, Ukraine

Hubert Smeets, M. Sc. (Amsterdam), Journalist and Co-Founder of the platform RAAM on Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, The Netherlands

Alexandra Smith, Ph. D. (UCL), Reader in Russian Studies, University of Edinburgh, United Kingdom

Susan Smith-Peter, Ph. D. (Illinois Urbana-Champaign), Professor of History, College of Staten Island of The City University of New York, United States

Eugeniusz Smolar, M. A. (Uppsala), Senior Fellow in European Security, Center for International Relations (CSM), Poland

Olena Snigyr, Cand. Sc. (NISS Kyiv), Jean Monnet Fellow in Political Science and International Relations, European University Institute, Italy

Michael Sohlman, B. A. (Uppsala), 2012-2019 Board Chairman of the Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI), Sweden

Roman Solchanyk, Ph. D. (U Michigan), Retired Senior Analyst of International Affairs, RAND Corporation, United States

Ilona Sologoub, M. A. (KSE Kyiv), Scientific Editor at the Ukrainian think-tank VoxUkraine, Ukraine

Ursula Stark Urrestarazu, Dr. Phil. (Frankfurt-Main), International Politics Working Group Coordinator, Green Party, Germany

Bohdan Stasiuk, Cand. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Assistant Professor of Translation, Vynnychenko Central Ukrainian State University of Kropyvnytskyi, Ukraine

Ihor Stebelsky, Ph. D. (U Washington), Emeritus Professor of Political Science, University of Windsor, Canada

Sergiy Stelmakh, Dr. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Senior Research Fellow in Central and East European Studies, Institute of World History, Ukraine

Viktor Stepanenko, Ph. D. (Manchester), Professor of Sociology, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Ukraine

Tomasz Stępniewski, Dr. Hab. (PAS Warsaw), Associate Professor of Political Science, The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Poland

Dariusz Stola, Dr. Hab. (PAS Warsaw), Professor of History, Institute of Political Studies (ISP PAN), Poland

Sergey Sukhankin, Ph. D. (Barcelona), Fellow on Russian Arctic Policies, North American and Arctic Defence and Security Network, Canada

Sergej Sumlenny, LL. M. (FU Berlin), Founder and Managing Director of the European Resilience Initiative Center, Germany

Damian Szacawa, Ph. D. (UMCS Lublin), Assistant Professor of Political Science, Maria Curie-Skłodowska University, Poland

Makar Taran, Cand. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Associate Professor of History, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Ukraine 

Giorgi Tarkhan-Mouravi, Dip. Phys. (Tbilisi State), Former Director of the Institute for Policy Studies, Georgia

Mark B. Tauger, Ph. D. (UCLA), Emeritus Associate Professor of History, West Virginia University, United States 

Leila Tavi, Ph. D. (Marconi U), Independent Scholar in the History of Central and Eastern Europe, Italy

Michael Taylor, D. Phil. (Oxford), Retired Senior Analyst of South- and Central Eastern Europe, Oxford Analytica, United Kingdom

Serhii Telizhenko, Cand. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Scientific Secretary, Institute of Archaeology, Ukraine

Stephan Theilig, Dr. Phil. (HU Berlin), Co-Director of the Institute for Caucasica-, Tatarica- and Turkestan-Studies (ICATAT), Germany

Lori Thorlakson, Ph. D. (LSE), Professor and Department Chair of Political Science, University of Alberta, Canada

Vladimir Tismaneanu, Ph. D. (U Bucharest), Professor of Politics, University of Maryland, United States

Ihor Todorov, Dr. Sc. (DonNU Donetsk), Professor of International Relations, Uzhhorod National University, Ukraine

Olga Tokariuk, M. A. (Bologna), Non-Resident Fellow of the Democracy Resilience Program, Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA), United Kingdom

Maria Tomak, M. J. (Loyola Chicago), Head of the Board at the Media Initiative for Human Rights (MIPL), Ukraine

Olena Tregub, M. A. (Fletcher School), Secretary General of the Independent Anti-Corruption Commission (NAKO), Ukraine

Stefan Troebst, Dr. Habil. (FU Berlin), Emeritus Professor of East European History, University of Leipzig, Germany

Benjamin Tromly, Ph. D. (Harvard), Distinguished Professor of History, University of Puget Sound, United States

Evhen Tsybulenko, Cand. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Senior Lecturer in International Law, Tallinn University of Technology, Estonia

Taras Tsymbrivsky, Cand. Sc. (KNU Kyiv), Military Officer, former Associate Professor of Legal Theory and Human Rights, Ukrainian Catholic University, Ukraine

Carol Ueland, Ph. D. (Columbia), Emerita Professor of Russian and Former Department Chair, Drew University, United States

Sören Urbansky, Dr. Phil. (Konstanz), Professor of Eastern European History, Ruhr University of Bochum, Germany

Raphael Utz, Dr. Phil. (Heidelberg), Research Fellow in History, Hannah Arendt Institute for Totalitarianism Studies, Germany

Milada Anna Vachudova, D. Phil. (Oxford), Professor of Political Science, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, United States

Laurynas Vaičiūnas, M. Res. (UCL), Chief Executive Officer of The Jan Nowak-Jeziorański College of Eastern Europe (KEW), Poland

Volodymyr Vakhitov, Ph. D. (Kentucky), Director of the Institute for Behavioral Studies, American University Kyiv, Ukraine

Raj Verma, Ph. D. (LSE), Visiting Fellow at the Sigur Center for Asian Studies, George Washington University, United States

Robert van Voren, Ph. D. (Kaunas), Professor of Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies, Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania

Mark Voyger, M. P. A. (Harvard), President and Co-Founder of the Kyiv Institute for National and Global Security, Ukraine

Mariëlle Wijermars, Ph. D. (Groningen), Associate Professor of Internet Governance, Maastricht University, The Netherlands

Kenneth Wilson, D. Phil. (Oxford), Associate Professor of Politics, Dongguk University, Republic of Korea

Alexander Wöll, Dr. Habil. (LMU München), Professor of Central and Eastern European Culture and Literature, University of Potsdam, Germany

Elizabeth A. Wood, Ph. D. (U Michigan), Professor of History, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, United States

Ernest Wyciszkiewicz, Ph. D. (UMCS Lublin), Senior Fellow in Political Science, Juliusz Mieroszewski Centre for Dialogue, Poland

Yuriy Yakymenko, Cand. Sc. (NISS Kyiv), President of the Razumkov Centre and Editor-in-Chief of its National Security and Defence Journal, Ukraine

Vitalii Yaremchuk, Dr. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Professor of the History of Historiography, National University of Ostroh Academy, Ukraine

Alexandra Yatsyk, Cand. Sc. (Kazan), Research Fellow in Memory Studies, University of Lille, France

Marianna Yeleiko, Cand. Sc. (NASU Kyiv), Director of the Bohdan Hawrylyshyn Family Foundation, Ukraine

Krzysztof M. Zalewski, Ph. D. (Warsaw), President of The Michał Boym Institute for Asian and Global Studies, Poland

Jan Zielonka, Ph. D. (U Warsaw), Emeritus Professor of European Politics, University of Oxford, United Kingdom

• On Ukrainska Pravda:

  “An Elon Musk-supported apology for Russia’s war on Ukraine” at https://www.pravda.com.ua/eng/articles/2026/04/28/8032087/ (without a paywall: https://www.rightsinrussia.org/public-statements/ ),

• On Substack:

David R. Marples Substack

The Scholars' Attack on Ivan Katchanovski

Ivan Katchanovski’s book The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Origins, published by Palgrave Macmillan, is causing quite a stir on social media. One hundred people have signed a “collective warning” to readers because of the exceptional number of downloads and its endorsement by Elon Musk and David Sacks. On April 28…

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2 months ago · 6 likes · 5 comments · David R. Marples

• On Facebook:

  https://www.facebook.com/drmarples/posts/pfbid027BK9KHWbY4hHybaFL9FyoUXKr698dv1wRyYoitvVn6aSKywbxUGUZURtL9Ym2zrol

  https://www.facebook.com/john.vsetecka/posts/pfbid0FdZNCHR4REHZAn7UZrJXwC4ewpuZNSBYwijTMavfW4cqPjh7UgMY3TW4nWqyXdTDl

In connection with this debate, the neo-reactionary movement of techno-authoritarianism (also “technofascism,” “Dark Englightenment” etc.) is of relevance. See on this movement, for instance:

• “Anti-democratic ‘Dark Enlightenment’ ideas have spread from Silicon Valley to Washington” at https://cascadeinstitute.org/dark-enlightenment/

• “The Rise of Techno-Authoritarianism and its Impact on US Foreign Policy” at https://zwischenraeume.co.at/wp-content/uploads/ZWISCHENRAEUME_POLICY-BRIEF_The-Rise-of-Techno-Authoritarianism-and-its-Impact-on-US-Foreign-Policy.pdf

• “Fear of mimesis: Technofascism and intelligence in Silicon Valley” at https://summit.sfu.ca/item/39969

• “Worse than Fascism: Eight Points on Techno-Oligarchy” at

  Towers of Europa, by Anton Shekhovtsov

  Worse than Fascism

  In recent years, with the rise of Big Tech and its authoritarian socio-political ambitions, it has become commonplace to speak of “techno-fascism”. This is understandable. The embrace of authoritaria…

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  a month ago · 58 likes · 11 comments · Anton Shekhovtsov

One can document so far the interest or/and support of three prominent American representatives of techno-authoritarianism - Elon Musk, David Sacks, and Curtis Yarvin (Mencius Moldbug) - for the work of Ivan Katchanovski.

1. As already documented on Ukrainska Pravda, Katchanovski has himself on X pointed out the support by Elon Musk and David Sacks for his book’s open-access publication:

2. As mentioned in Ukrainska Pravda, David Sacks has donated USD5000 to Katchanovski’s GoFundMe campaign for this book and has announced about his donation on X:

3. In reaction to the public discussion of the collective statement in Ukrainska Pravda, Curtis Yarvin has indicated some knowledge of and apparent support for Katchanovski’s work:

If you have more information on these or similar incidences, I shall be grateful for letting me know. Perhaps, some additional information about the known or anonymous co-funders of Katchanovski’s book can be found somehow. See: https://www.gofundme.com/f/openaccess-book-russiaukraine-war-its-origin?modal=donations&tab=all

PS: If you are in the field of East European studies and wish to sign the above-quoted collective statement, send your signature – following the statement’s signatures’ structure (degree with institution at which obtained, position with discipline, main institution, country) – until 31 May 2026 to signaturescollection71@gmail.com.

A friend recently asked about how to become more present in scholarly networks, as he wants to get an academic job. Colleagues here may have their own advice on this, and I would be interested in that. Here is what I recommended to my friend, and would suggest to others with similar ambitions:

You may have already a page on, perhaps, the most popular scholarly network Academia.edu, but you should make sure that you have claimed or uploaded PDFs of all of your papers, pre-prints, magazine articles, books, etc. in your Academia.edu profile. Obviously, there may be copyright issues, but you can always create a PDF with as much information as is legal to publish and with a link to the original place of publication.

Then check with Scopus Elsevier whether you have already a profile there, and request an update of your Scopus profile with your current affiliation and possibly adding papers, chapters, funding, and pre-prints registered with Scopus, but not yet listed in your account: https://www.scopus.com/.

You should also create, if you have not already done so, a profile on GoogleScholar.com which probably lists lots of your publications. Unfortunately, GoogleScholar - like Academia.edu - stands a bit alone and is not linked to other networks, but it is a widely used resource.

Make, in all networks, sure that you find all of your publications there by using different ways to write your name in different languages, with different letters, and with different transliterations or transcriptions.

Most importantly: You should, if you have not done so already, create, fill in, and feed an ORCiD account: https://orcid.org/signin. ORCiD is, in my opinion, the by far most useful academic network with lots of unique functions and many connections to other networks.

There is a very useful function in ORCiD called “Import your works from other services.” Link your ORCiD account to your Scopus profile here: https://www.scopus.com/. You should also look into other databases such as BASE, OpenAir, CrossRef, DataCite, and the GND Network, as they probably have lots of your publications. You can import from these databases your publications into ORCiD.

If you have published books, also search them on ORCiD via the function “Import your works from other services” in the German National Library DNB and import the books and other publications registered in the DNB into your ORCiD account. If you have a profile in the DNB database, a link should, like in the case of Scopus, show up in your ORCiD profile.

Create, via your ORCiD and LinkedIn accounts, a profile with THE LENS and import from there your papers listed in THE LENS into your ORCiD account: https://www.lens.org/lens/search/scholar/

Once all of that is done, you should create via ORCiD a profile in the Clarivate Web of Science https://www.webofscience.com/wos/author/, and export your ORCiD listed publications into the Web of Science as well as import from WoS your publications into your ORCiD account. The Web of Science has also an excellent system to give credit to your published book reviews in journals and unpublished peer-reviews for journals, and you can export these WoS records of your book- and peer-reviews into your ORCiD account.

You should also claim your profile on SemanticScholar here https://www.semanticscholar.org/author/ and SciProfiles here https://sciprofiles.com/profile/author/, and correct the lists of publications associated with your name there, i.e. delete those publications that are not yours and add those that are registered in these networks yet not listed in your personal profile. Link these accounts to your ORCiD account.

The links to your Web of Science and SciProfiles accounts should appear in your ORCiD profile.

Also you should, if you have not already done so, create a ResearchGate.net profile and claim all your papers already registered there. As with Academia.edu, you can upload the PDFs of scholarly publications, pre-prints, and other pieces with think-tanks, magazines, or similar institutions not yet listed in ResearchGate to this network. If you mark these new uploads as “Pre-Prints,” you can assign to these uploads a DOI number.

That is in so far useful as it means that they will, after a while, appear with these new DOI numbers in other networks, such as BASE, THE LENS, OpenAir, Dimensions, and DataCite which are all linked to ORCiD. You can then import your publications uploaded on ResearchGate with DOIs, via BASE, THE LENS, OpenAir, Dimensions, and DataCite, into ORCiD. Once they are listed there, you can export them from ORCiD into your Web of Science account, where they may appear in the category “Non-Indexed Documents.”

Finally, there are other relevant scholarly networks, registries, and databases you may want to check out or/and use as well as modify, including ISNI, WorldCat, SSOAR, Virtual international authority file, Scite, SSRN, Redalyc, ScienceOpen, IREON, Scilit, National H-Index, OpenAlex, ScholarGPS, AcademicInfluence, Loop, Kudos, etc. You can list your profiles in these databases, on your ORCiD account.

- Most immediately: an EU approval of the Union’s EUR90 billion for Ukraine which had been pre-approved by Orban (under the condition of an exclusion of Hungarian participation) in late 2025

- An opening of the first clusters for the start of negotiations of Ukraine’s accession to the EU

- A normalization of Hungarian often obstructionist behavior within the EU and NATO in foreign affairs and especially with regard to aid for Ukraine and sanctions against Russia

- A weakening of Russian, US and Chinese influence in Europe and especially of Moscow’s ability to conduct hybrid war against Ukraine through Hungary

- A defeat of international and especially European right-wing populism and extremism that is often – though not always – unsupportive of Ukraine, if not outrightly pro-Russian

More details in: Hungary’s 2026 Elections: Scenarios and Implications for the EU and Ukraine (=SCEEUS Commentary No. 8, 2026). By Klara Lindström Daniel Hegedüs: https://sceeus.se/en/publications/hungarys-2026-elections-scenarios-and-implications-for-the-eu-and-ukraine/

Additions or corrections welcome!

One function of Hungary's liberation from Moscow's hegemony in 1989 and accession to NATO in 1999 as well as the EU in 2004 was apparently to, three decades later, stab in the back a neighboring nation trying to do what Hungary once did and to assist Russia in its largest European war since 1945.

Even more oddly, NATO's eastward enlargement after 1991, including Hungary's accession to NATO in 1999, is today listed by Moscow and accepted by many non-Russian observers as a major reason for Russia's war on Ukraine. The Ukrainians are, according to this theory, today paying the bill for, among others, Hungary's accession to NATO two-and-a-half decades ago. In gratitude, the Hungarian government has, for several years now, been sabotaging wherever and however it could Ukraine's fight for survival and Euro-Atlantic integration.

A chapter from: Felix Riefer, Julie Fedor, Leonid Luks, and Andreas Umland, eds, Russia Before the Full-Scale War. Vol. II: Memories, Ideologies and Politics, 1991–2021. Stuttgart: ibidem-Verlag, 2026. Pp. 73-100. https://cup.columbia.edu/book/russia-before-the-full-scale-war-vol-ii/9783838220451/

Zhirinovskii’s vision of a national palingenesis through a “going down” to the Indian Ocean can be interpreted as having four interconnected dimensions. First, Russia will be reborn by “reconnecting” to her eternal mission of saving the world, and fulfilling a destiny irrevocably given to her by History. This time, she protects the “civilized” North from the growing Islamic threat and takes on the “white man’s burden” of governing unruly “Southerners.” Second, the Russians have to execute the “last dash” and introduce a centralized, unitary, authoritarian and, at least by implication, Russian-dominated regime from “Kabul to Istanbul” in order to save their nation from imminent internal degradation that would follow further penetration with aliens. They have to deal finally with the “South” because “all of Russia’s ills are in the South.” By way of eventually taking care of its major historical dilemma, the Russian nation will be rejuvenated through its liberation from centuries-old destructive Southern influence. Third, Russia as a Northern country will be reborn by finally getting deserved access to warm waters, and by being able to cleanse herself from the “filth” of the past. She will become a country with a novel, forward-looking identity freed from historical complexes. Fourth, the Russian people and its army will be born anew through the armed campaign itself which will result into a “soothing” of the whole Eurasian continent. Zhirinovskii’s Russia would be a new country: clean, calm, of so far unknown extension. She would again be equipped with a world-historical mission as well as purified and steeled by a large military operation.

More: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/401584019_Zhirinovskii_as_a_Fascist_Palingenetic_Ultra-Nationalism_and_the_Emergence_of_the_Liberal-Democratic_Party_of_Russia_1992-1993

Book Stage of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung's yearly #CafeKyiv in the Kino Colosseum of Berlin, on 23 February 2026: https://lnkd.in/dZwZGRqg.

Where Can One Publish Research on Ukraine? 17:00 - 17:30

Organizer: ibidem-Verlag

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine was prepared with and includes a large information war distorting, hiding, perverting etc. the truth about this assault and about Ukraine. The Russian government systematically deploys mis- and disinformation to influence public opinion across the world in favor of the Kremlin. This is not only a challenge for journalism, but also for publicism, literature and scholarship. Where and how can credible, independent perspectives on Ukraine and the war be published? Ukrainian and German publishers and series editors who are deeply committed to amplifying Ukrainian voices will present their outlets and discuss opportunities for publishing individual as well as collective research.

Moderator:

Andreas Umland, Book series "Ukrainian Voices"​ /SPPS & JSPPS, ibidem Press

Speakers:

Alla Vaysband, “Dukh i Litera” Publishing and Research Association, Kyiv

Susann Worschech, Book Series “Interdisciplinary Ukrainian Studies,” Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft

André Stoerr, Book Series “Ukraine im Fokus,” Verlag Friedrich Mauke

Iwona Reichardt & Adam Reichardt, Magazine “New Eastern Europe,” Kolegium Europy Wschodniej im. Jana Nowaka-Jeziorańskiego we Wrocławiu (KEW)

Simon Schlegel, Website "Ukraine verstehen," Zentrum Liberale Moderne

Michael Dobbins, Book series "Ukraine erklären," Springer VS

https://cafekyiv.kas.de/programm/

Kari Aga Myklebost, Havard Baekken, Stian Bones (eds.)

The Politics of World War II Memories in the North: Regional and Transborder Memory Politics in Russia and Norway // Special issue of the Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 11, no. 2 (2025)

Open Access E-book:

https://www.ibidem.eu/en/Topics/Social-Sciences/Political-Science/Journal-of-Soviet-and-Post-Soviet-Politics-and-Society-E-Book-oxid-5.html

Paperback:

https://www.ibidem.eu/en/Topics/Social-Sciences/Political-Science/Journal-of-Soviet-and-Post-Soviet-Politics-and-Society-oxid-2.html

https://cup.columbia.edu/book/journal-of-soviet-and-post-soviet-politics-and-society/9783838220550/

CONTENTS

Introduction. The Politics of World War II Memories in the North: An Interplay Perspective

H. BÆKKEN, K. A. MYKLEBOST, AND S. BONES

“The Little Motherland” in Policy and Practice: Yunarmiia’s Local Anchoring of the Grand Patriotic Narrative in Northwest Russia

H. BÆKKEN AND D. ASPØY

Public Libraries and the Contemporary Politics of Great Patriotic War Memory in the Pechenga Region, Russia
E. KOCHETKOVA

Teaching the Great Patriotic War: Navigating Federal Narratives and Local Memories in Russian School History Textbooks

H. BLAKKISRUD

Contested Memories of the Violent Past in a Border Region: The Memory Politics of Stalinist Terror and Finnish Occupation in Post-Soviet Karelia

A. SPIRIN

Empowering Memories of Liberation: The Kirkenes Red Army Liberation Commemorations in Norwegian–Russian Relations (1994–2019)

K. A. MYKLEBOST, K. L. GJERDE, AND S. BONES

Militarizing Soviet POW Memories: The “Soviet Prisoners of War in Norway” Traveling Exhibition in Russia

M. N. SOLEIM

Project Nordland Railroad: How Heritage Diplomacy Derailed Between Norwegian Aspirations and Russian Appropriations

J. A. MARKUSSEN AND P. MANKOVA

Exporting State Patriotism: The Russian–Norwegian Patriotic Memory Tours (2011–2019)

K. A. MYKLEBOST

The freeing of Russian and Belarusian political prisoners is certainly very welcome. Yet, their rescue in exchange for the release of Russia’s foreign agents and a lifting of significant economic sanctions against Belarus’s regime can generate perverse incentive structures for Putin and Lukashenka.

The strategic & normative dilemmas emerging from a stepwise liberation of dissidents are well-described in the below Substack by . Among others, it can encourage more imprisonments of opposition figures, by the authoritarian regime. Instead of being punished, the ruler is rewarded for repression.

Boris Bondarev

Buying Prisoners from a Dictator Is a Strategic Mistake

On December 13, 2025, the Belarusian authorities released a group of political prisoners. The releases came after negotiations the United States, and were accompanied by sanctions relief, including Belarus’s potash sector. Formally, this did not amount to a full lifting of sanctions, but rather a set of exemptions and relaxations that, in practice, reop…

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6 months ago · 4 likes · Boris Bondarev

The ambivalent effects of such deals are exacerbated by the context of the Russo-Ukrainian War. For instance, Russian political prisoners exchanged in 2024 asked for lifting sanctions against Russia.

On some different, but partly related issues before 2022, see this #SCEEUS report with Stanislav Aseyev:

https://sceeus.se/publikationer/prisoners-as-political-commodities-in-the-occupied-areas-of-the-donbas/

Today’s core global conflict revolves more, in Stanford professor Michael McFaul’s terms, around autocracies versus democracies and less around a “clash of civilizations,” as the late Harvard professor Samuel Huntington put it more than three decades ago. Huntington’s famous thesis does not explain the current cooperation between Christian Orthodox Russia, Islamic fundamentalist Iran and paleo-communist North Korea in the Russian war against Christian Orthodox Ukraine.

More in the KYIV POST at: https://www.kyivpost.com/opinion/63913 and in this commentary for the SCEEUS: https://sceeus.se/publikationer/can-europe-go-it-alone/

Below is an incomplete list of scholars and other authors who have discussed Article II.e of the Genocide Convention in connection to Russian child abductions since 2022. See also: Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, ‘The forcible transfer and ‘russification’ of Ukrainian children shows evidence of genocide, says PACE’, News, 28 April 2023.

Note, however, that these deportations began not in 2022, but in 2014. See: Embassy of Ukraine to Ireland, ‘On illegal adoption of the orphaned children of Ukrainian nationality in Crimea’, News, 17 October 2014. For further details, see the seminal text on events before 2022 by Sumlenny, S., ‘How the West Tolerated Russia’s Kidnapping of Ukrainian Children‘. European Resilience Initiative Center, 27 March 2023.

Note also that, to my knowledge, the first use of “genocide” by a reputed scholar, namely a Prof. Emeritus of International Law at the University of Hamburg, in connection to Russia’s full-scale invasion did not primarilly refer to child abductions but to the February-April 2022 events in Mariupol: Luchterhandt, O., ‘Völkermord in Mariupolʼ: Russlands Kriegsführung in der Ukraine‘, Osteuropa, 14 April 2022.

Alphabetically:

Aydıngün, A., Morkva, V., Aydıngün, I., ‘Beyond Genocide, Ethnocide and Identicide: Russia’s ‘Strategic Imperial Demographic Policy’ of Russifying Ukrainian Children‘. Nations and Nationalism, 2025, 1–11.

Azarov, D., Koval, D., Nuridzhanian, G. and Venher, V., ‘Understanding Russia’s Actions in Ukraine as the Crime of Genocide’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol. 21, No. 2, 2023, pp. 233-264.

Blank, L. R., ‘Forcible Transfer of Children in Ukraine: An Element of Genocide?‘ JuristNews, April 21, 2022.

Chodakiewicz, J. M. and Perdue, M., ‘Another Genocide: Russia kidnaps Ukraine’s children’, Institute of World Politics, 2022.

Diamond, Y., ‘An Independent Legal Analysis of the Russian Federation’s Breaches of the Genocide Convention in Ukraine and the Duty to Prevent’, New Lines Institute for Strategy and Policy, May 2023.

Fedosiuk, T., ‘The Stolen Children: How Russia Attempts to Kidnap Ukraine’s Future’, International Centre for Defence and Security, 2023.

Frantsuz A., Stepanenko, N., Shevchenko, D. ‘Abduction of Ukrainian Children during Full-Scale Invasion‘, Journal of International Legal Communication, Vol. 9, No. 2, 2023, pp.16-26.

Fronek, P., Rotabi-Casares, K. S., & Lypovetska, M., ‘The taken children of Ukraine‘, International Social Work, vol. 67, no. 3, 2023, pp. 602-615.

Gillich, I., ‘Forced Adoptions of Ukrainian Children from an International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law Perspective’, Pace International Law Review, Vol. 37, No. 1, Article 2. May 2025.

Havrylov, V., ‘Russia’s mass abduction of Ukrainian children may qualify as genocide’, Atlantic Council, 2023.

Ibrahim, A., ‘Russia’s Theft of Children in Ukraine Is Genocide: Moscow is out to destroy a people‘. Foreign Policy, March 1, 2023.

Ioffe, Y., ‘Forcibly Transferring Ukrainian Children to the Russian Federation: A Genocide?’, Journal of Genocide Research, 2023.

Ortman, P. H. L., ‘Ukraine’s Stolen Generations: The Forcible Transfer of Ukrainian Children as Cultural Genocide‘, Porto Faculty of Law, 2025.

Shaw, M., ‘Russia’s Genocidal War in Ukraine: Radicalization and Social Destruction,’ Journal of Genocide Research, 2023, pp. 1-30.

Uehling, G., ‘Inside Russia’s Campaign to Steal and Indoctrinate Ukrainian Children’, SAPIENS, July 2, 2024.

Vasylenko, V., ‘The kidnapping of Ukrainian children by Russia is evidence of the genocide of the Ukrainian nation‘, Holodomor Museum, September 2, 2022.

Woo, P. K., ‘Russia’s Abduction of Children in Ukraine War and Applicability of UN Genocide Convention‘, Korean Association of Area Studies 42, no. 2, 2024, pp. 125–54.

Contents

Introduction: The Volume’s Background and Outline
Felix Riefer ............................................................................................... 7

I The Soviet Pre-History

She-Who-Must-Not-Be-Named: A Note about the Soviet
Dissident Bacronym “Sof’ia Vlas’evna”
Natalia Samover ..................................................................................... 17

Mikhail Putin (1894–1969) and Socialist Competition: Exploring
a Neglected Branch of the Putin Family Tree
Chris Monday......................................................................................... 39

Soviet Bureaucracy as a Category Coining Machine: Ethnicity,
Ethnography, and the “Primordial Trap”
Simon Schlegel ..................................................................................... 101

Another Life of the Soviet Intelligentsia: The Subconscious of
Neo-Russian Liberalism
Konstantin Kaminskij .......................................................................... 125

II The Post-Soviet Path

“Weimar Russia?” Notes on a Controversial Concept
Leonid Luks .......................................................................................... 153

Why Russia’s Democracy Never Began
Maria Snegovaya .................................................................................. 175

Institutional Legacies and Systemic Transformation in Eastern
Europe: Ukraine, Russia, and the European Union
Alexander J. Motyl ............................................................................... 193

Think Tanks and the Design of Foreign Policy in the Russian
Federation
Felix Riefer ........................................................................................... 213

The Return to Patriotic Education in Post-Soviet Russia: How,
When, and Why the Russian Military Engaged in Civilian
Nation Building
Håvard Bækken .................................................................................... 247

Filtering Foreign Media Content: How Russian News Agencies
Repurpose Western News Reporting
Rolf Fredheim ....................................................................................... 283

“I’m a Feminist, Therefore…”: The Art of Gender and Sexual
Dissent in 2010s Ukraine and Russia
Olenka Dmytryk ................................................................................... 327

About the Editors and Contributors ............................................... 367


Order via:

https://www.ibidem.eu/en/Series/Society-Politics/Soviet-and-Post-Soviet-Politics-and-Society/Russia-Before-the-Full-Scale-War.html

https://cup.columbia.edu/book/russia-before-the-full-scale-war-vol-i/9783838219356/

https://www.amazon.com/-/de/dp/383821935X/

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/toc/19401582/2025/188/4

Issue Information

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Balancing Economic Integration and Dependency: Insights Into Trade and Investment Dynamics in the Indo-Pacific

Jacques Yana Mbena

• e70037

• First Published: 13 October 2025

India’s Role in the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework: A Balancing Act

Pamreihor Khashimwo

• e70040

• First Published: 13 October 2025

Open Access

Energy Price Inflation and Real Output Nexus in Selected Sub-Saharan African Economies

Chimere O. Iheonu, Charles Mbohwa

• e70028

• First Published: 13 October 2025

Pathways to Achieving SDGs in Africa: Investigating the Impact of Digitalization and Labor Market Productivity on Income, Employment, Poverty, and Inequality

Olorunfemi Yasiru Alimi, Omolara Ayotunde Campbell, Fatimah Ololade Bolarinwa

• First Published: 13 October 2025

Open Access

US Foreign Policy and the Gulf States: Changing Dynamics in a Multipolar World

Steven Wright

• e270032

• First Published: 06 October 2025

Assessing Monetary and Fiscal Policy Measures to Promote the Sustainability of Domestic and Foreign Direct Investment in Sub-Saharan Africa

Mwoya Byaro, Anicet Rwezaula, Jackson Bulili, Romanus Dimoso

• e270027

• First Published: 06 October 2025

BOOK REVIEW ESSAY

How Is the Global Order Changing? A Review of Emerging Global Approaches Beyond the West

Helder Ferreira do Vale

• e270031

• First Published: 06 October 2025

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity: Geopolitical and Economic Strategies in a Declining Liberal International Order?

Francesco Petrone

• e70039

• First Published: 12 October 2025

COMMENTARY

Will Smaller Powers Obtain WMDs?

Andreas Umland

• e70034

• First Published: 13 October 2025

Justice Post-Tutsi Genocide in Rwanda: When “Community Service” Fails to Repair the Damage Suffered by Survivors and the Torn Social Fabric

Philibert Muzima

• e270035

• First Published: 17 October 2025

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Disputed Sovereignty and Forced Displacement: Rethinking the Bakassi Peninsula Crisis Through International Law and Human Security

Gbeke Adenuga, Seun Bamidele

• e270036

• First Published: 06 October 2025

Integrating Remittance Economies Into the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF): Pathways to Resilience and Inclusive Growth

A.K.M. Ahsan Ullah

• e70038

• First Published: 12 October 2025

China’s Dual Role and Its Implications for Latin America

Florencia Rubiolo, Li Xing

• e270033

• First Published: 23 October 2025

Putin hat erklärt, dass Russland eine neue nuklearfähige Marschflugrakete erfolgreich getestet haben soll. Was weiß man über den Burewestnik und seine Einsatzmöglichkeiten?

Der Sturmvogel – so die Übersetzung von „Burewestnik“ - ist ein älteres russisches Projekt eines atomgetriebenen und besonders weitreichenden Marschflugkörpers, den Putin bereits 2018 angekündigt hatte und der bislang durch seine gescheiterten Testläufe bekannt war. Ursprünglich hatte das Projekt weniger mit dem Russisch-Ukrainischen Krieg als Washingtons Aufkündigung des amerikanisch-sowjetischen Vertrages über die Begrenzung der Raketenabwehrsysteme von 1972 zu tun. Obwohl der Atomantrieb dieses Marschflugkörpers etwas Neuartiges ist, ändert die Waffe wenig am bisherigen Kräftegleichgewicht zwischen den USA und Russland, welches von Interkontinentalraketen mit Mehrfachsprengköpfen bestimmt wird. Im Zuge des Russisch-Ukrainischen Krieges entwickeln sich weltweit die verschiedenen Luftabwehrsysteme rapide. Es ist daher unklar, ob dieser sehr weitfliegende Marschflugkörper heute noch jene Bedeutung hat, die er bei seiner ersten Ankündigung 2018 zu haben schien.

Wie könnte der Burewestnik Russlands Kriegsführung verändern?

Für Russlands Kriegsführung in der Ukraine dürfte Burewestnik nur geringe Bedeutung haben, unter anderem weil die Flugzeiten der Marschflugkörper zwischen den Ländern gering sind und daher der entscheidende Vorteil des Sturmvogels wenig Nutzen hätte. Auch würde sich hier die Frage stellen, inwieweit ein Einsatz von Burewestnik – selbst mit einem konventionellen und nicht nuklearen Sprengkopf – eine weitere Verletzung des Budapester Memorandums wäre. Vermutlich könnte der Einschlag eines atomgetriebenen Flugkörpers zu einer radioaktiven Verseuchung des Einschlagsgebiets führen. Damit wäre Burewestnik nicht nur eine potentielle Nuklearwaffe, sondern auch mit einem nichtnuklearen Sprengkopf eine radiologische Waffe beziehungsweise so genannte „schmutzige Bombe“. Der vermutliche Effekt eines Einsatzes von Burewestnik in der Ukraine wären ukrainische Versuche, die bereits vorhandenen Marschflugkörper der Ukraine – etwa Neptun oder Flamingo – mit radioaktivem Material zu beladen und nach Russland zu schießen. Dies wäre eine enorme Eskalation des Krieges, welche weltweite Reaktionen auslösen würde. Daher ist zu vermuten, dass diese Waffe nicht in der Ukraine zum Einsatz kommt.

Trump hat gerade erst Sanktionen gegen Russland verkündet. Ist beides voneinander unabhängig oder will Putin gerade jetzt Stärke demonstrieren/zeigen, dass die Sanktionen ins Leere laufen (wenn das nicht zu spekulativ ist)?

Putins neuerliche Annonce des Burewestnik-Marschflugkörpers steht im Zusammenhang mit dem Russisch-Ukrainischen Krieg und soll die westlichen Partner der Ukraine verschrecken. Demnach ist Burewestnik eine Wunderwaffe, gegen die keine Kraut gewachsen sei. Es stellt sich allerdings zum einen die Frage, inwieweit der Marschflugkörper nun tatsächlich einsatzbereit ist. Zum anderen ist unklar, ob dieses neue Trägersystem, falls es funktionstüchtig ist, das bisherige Kräfteverhältnis substantiell ändern kann. Russland hat bereits verschiedene Träger für Atomsprengköpfe, und führt nun einen weiteren ein. Die gewaltige Reichweite und lange Flugdauer von Burewestnik ist zweifellos ein Vorteil. Allerdings fragt sich, ob diese Kapazität den Flugkörper tatsächlich unabfangbar macht und einen signifikanten operativen Vorteil bedeutet. Daher scheint Putins neuerliche öffentliche Annonce dieser angeblichen Superwaffe eher Teil der russischen psychologischen Kriegsführung gegen den Westen als der Vorbote einer wirklichen Kräfteveränderung zu sein. Wähler und Politiker in Europa und Nordamerika sollen eingeschüchtert und von weiterer Hilfe für die Ukraine abgehalten werden. Man kann nur hoffen, dass diese Funktion des Burewestnik-Projektes in den westlichen Hauptstädten erkannt wird.

Einem Bericht der „Washington Post“ zufolge forderte Wladimir Putin in seinem Telefonat mit Donald Trump diese Woche als „Bedingung für die Beendigung des Krieges“ die vollständige Aufgabe der Region Donezk seitens der Ukraine.

1. Putin versucht seit mehr als zehn Jahren das Gebiet vollständig zu erobern.

   1. Warum gelingt ihm das nicht?

Russlands Krieg auf dem ukrainischen Festland begann im April 2014 im Donezker Bassin (Donbas), das nach dem Fluss Siwerski Donez benannt ist. Die ukrainischen Stellungen sind dort besonders günstig gelegen und gut befestigt. Während es Russland gelang, die Luhansker Oblast des Donbas inzwischen fast vollständig zu erobern, hat Moskau seit Beginn der Vollinvasion im Februar 2022 nur geringe Erfolge in der Donezker Oblast erzielt.

b. Warum versucht er das überhaupt?

Laut der 2022 geänderten russischen Verfassung ist unter anderem die Donezker Oblast offiziell (wenn auch widerrechtlich) Teil der Russischen Föderation. Als so genannter „Garant“ von Russlands Verfassung ist Putin verpflichtet deren Erfüllung sicherzustellen. Wichtiger noch als diese Formalie ist die symbolische sowie strategische Bedeutung dieser Region und das Unvermögen Russland nach mehr als 11 Jahren Krieg diese grenznahe Oblast im äußersten Osten der Ukraine zu erobern. Die manifeste Peinlichkeit dieser Situation für Putin ist ein Hauptgrund für seine Forderung nach einer ukrainischen Übergabe. Die gute Befestigung, geographische Lage sowie geologisch-landschaftliche Eigenheit des von der ukrainischen Armee gehaltenen Teils des Donbas ist militärisch bedeutsam. Geriete das Territorium unter russische Kontrolle, würde dies den Weg zu weiteren Vorstößen ins Landesinnere der Ukraine öffnen.

2. Putin weiß genau, dass die Ukraine nicht zu Gebietsabtretungen bereit ist.

   a. Ist dieses „Angebot“ ein weiteres Beispiel seiner Hinhaltetaktik?

Moskau hofft, dass es Washington bezüglich der Donbasfrage zu seinem Agenten bei den anstehenden trilateralen Verhandlungen machen kann. Erhöht sich Trumps Druck auf Selenskij, einer Gebietsabtretung im Donbas zuzustimmen, kann Putin nur gewinnen. Wenn Selenskij ablehnt, erscheint er gegenüber Trump als friedensunwillig und damit als Problem für die Friedensbemühungen des amerikanischen Präsidenten sowie dessen Ambitionen auf den Friedensnobelpreis. Stimmt Selenskij zu, erlangt Russland einen strategischen Vorteil für den nächsten Angriff in die Zentralukraine. Im für Moskau günstigsten Fall könnten territoriale Zugeständnisse Selenskijs an Russland einen Bürgerkrieg in der Ukraine auslösen. Eine solche innenpolitische Eskalation war und ist eines des Hauptziele Moskaus seit Beginn der russischen militärischen Invasion der Ukraine auf der Krim im Februar 2014.

b. Zugleich forderte er bei dem Gipfel im August in Alaska noch mehr Gebiete. Warum jetzt nicht mehr?

Putin hat offenbar erkannt, dass er seine Maximalforderungen nicht durchsetzen kann. Militärstrategisch ist das Donezbecken am wichtigsten. Könnte er dort aufgrund eines ukrainischen Rückzugs vorrücken, ergäbe sich die Chance, weitere Teile der Ukraine zu erobern. Auch würde eine freiwillige Gebietsabtretung der hart umkämpften und mit vielen Opfern gehaltenen regierungskontrollierten Teile des Donezbeckens innerhalb der Ukraine und insbesondere in den ukrainischen Streitkräften sowie Veteranenverbänden großen Unmut auslösen.

3. Die Ukraine hat sich tief in der Donezker Region verschanzt und eine Art „Festungsgürtel“ in diesem Gebiet errichtet.

   a. Wie groß ist die Gefahr, dass bei einem ukrainischen Gebietsverlust, jeder künftige militärische Vormarsch Russlands über Donezk tiefer in die Ukraine nicht mehr aufzuhalten ist?

Die Gefahr eines tieferen Vorstoßes würde sich bei Aufgabe der stark befestigten regierungskontrollierten Teile des Donezbeckens sprunghaft erhöhen. Wie beim Kriegsverlauf im Frühjahr 2022 deutlich wurde, ist der letztliche Hauptpreis für Russland die Stadt Kyjiw – und nicht die Ost- oder Südukraine.

b. Wie sieht dieser Verteidigungsgürtel in der Donezker Region konkret aus?

Die geographischen Bedingungen der regierungskontrollierten Teile des Donbeckens sind für deren Verteidigung günstig. Die Ukraine hat die vergangenen 11 Jahre genutzt, um dort ein System von Gräben, Bunkern, Befestigungen, Stützpunkten und Versorgungslinien zu schaffen, welches gut verteidigt werden kann. Russland hat mehrfach versucht, diesen „Festungsgürtel“ unter Einsatz großer militärischer Mittel und Einheiten zu erobern. Man kann vermuten, dass der Donbas inzwischen sowohl in der ukrainischen als auch russischen Armee die Reputation einer Todeszone für Russlands Soldaten hat. Daher versucht Putin dieses operative, strategische und politische Problem Mokaus nun nicht militärisch, sondern auf dem Verhandlungsweg zu lösen.

The longer Russia’s expansionist war and genocidal “special operation” in Ukraine continue, the more the structure of current international relations changes. The leaders of the United States and China have so far only talked about or prepared for territorial expansion: they engage in tough rhetoric, nonkinetic actions, hybrid operations, and saber rattling. Russia, on the other hand, has been using massive military force for more than a decade to expand its territory and population. Moscow is undermining national sovereignty and territorial integrity as the foundations of post-World War II international relations, not only rhetorically, as Beijing and Washington have done so far, but also materially, politically, and pseudo-legally.

World Affairs Journal / Wiley / Policy Studies Organization

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/waf2.70034

Utrikespolitiska institutet

Кафедра політології НаУКМА

Frage: Das Washingtoner Institut für Kriegsforschung ISW sieht Russland in einer „Phase 0“ eines möglichen Kriegs mit der Nato. Aktuell schafft Russland demnach die materiellen und psychologischen Voraussetzungen für einen Krieg. Sind Sie ebenfalls der Ansicht, dass Russlands jüngste Aktionen als Vorbereitungsphase für einen Nato-Krieg ausgelegt werden kann?

Unter rationalen außenpolitischen Gesichtspunkten würde man das ausschließen, da die Kräfte zu ungleich sind. Jedoch können irrationale Impulse und innenpolitische Kalkulationen die russische Führung zu weiterer Konfrontation treiben, wie viele Indizien der letzten Zeit andeuten. Der Krieg und die Expansionserfolge sind seit 2014 immer mehr zu Kernelementen wenn nicht Stabilitätsankern von Putins Herrschaft geworden. Insbesondere wird es im Falle eines Sieges über die Ukraine bzw. einer Waffenruhe mit dauerhaften Geländegewinnen für Russland die Versuchung geben, die bereits militärisch hochmobilisierte russische Gesellschaft auf ein neues Ziel zu lenken.

Frage: Sind beispielsweise die Drohnenflüge ein Indiz dafür?

Diese neuen Provokationen haben viel mit den politischen Veränderungen in den USA 2025 zu tun. Da die Unterstützung Amerikas für Europa nicht mehr hundertprozentig und die Russlandpolitik Washingtons konfus ist, wächst die europäische Eskalationsangst und russische Eskalationslust. Grenzverletzungen im Luftraum sind für Moskau nunmehr ein probates Mittel, Unsicherheit und Uneinigkeit auch in NATO-Staaten zu schüren. Auch will der Kreml damit offenbar westliche Aufmerksamkeit und Ressourcen von der Ukraine ablenken.

Frage: Was folgt Ihrer Ansicht nach auf die „Phase 0“? Schon ein Angriff?

Zumindest wird von Russland der Eindruck erweckt, dass es einen Angriff geben kann. Vermutlich will sich Moskau die Option offenhalten, gegen NATO-Länder mit hybriden militärischen und gegebenenfalls auch mit herkömmlichen kinetischen Mitteln vorzugehen. Solange der Ukrainekrieg anhält und nicht in dieser oder jener Form zumindest teilweise von Russland gewonnen wird, scheint allerdings ein Angriff auf einen NATO-Staat unwahrscheinlich. Denn das würde für Russland einen Zweifrontenkrieg bedeuten. Sollte es hingegen einen russischen Siegfrieden in der Ukraine geben, steigt das Eskalationsrisiko etwa im Baltikum. Erfolgstrunken und militärisch hochmobilisiert könnte der Kreml der Versuchung erlegen, die Entschiedenheit der NATO an der estnischen oder/und litauischen Grenze zu testen. Lediglich eine sichtbare russische Niederlage in der Ukraine im Zusammenspiel mit einer inneren sozioökonomischen Krise wird den Expansionsdrang Moskaus nachhaltig dämpfen.